Friday, August 21, 2009

How to hate the working classes

Walter Benn Michaels reviews Who Cares about the White Working Class? edited by Kjartan Páll Sveinsson in the London Review of Books, and he feels the authors have started in the wrong place. For the last 40 years there has been a movement from class-based politics (Marxism) to identity politics (feminism, anti-racism, gay rights, etc). He considers how the division between rich and poor is being ignored by many people, and when it is given attention it is considered as another form of identity politics. Nice liberals condemn the mocking of the poor (chavs, Jade Goody, etc), but this application of identity politics is focussing on the wrong thing: opposing how the working classes are regarded and ignoring their poverty. American universities are more elitist than ever, more home to the wealthy. As blacks, women, and gays become more equal with heterosexual white males, we're facing a world where injustices are "produced not by discrimination but by exploitation".

Michaels claims identity politics is antithetical to class-based politics - the former will be satisfied when "[i]f about 1.5 per cent of your population is of Pakistani descent, then ... 1.5 per cent of every income quintile is Pakistani", the latter wants the entire working class, black and white, to be better off. Identity politics doesn't merely deflect attention from attacking economic inequality, it create phoney solidarity e.g. between rich blacks and poor blacks, or rich women and poor women, making class conflict less likely. For a long time Marxists have accused the west of using nationality in a similar manner, so that national interest is placed ahead of class interest, which means the needs of the poor are not addressed.
An obvious question, then, is how we are to understand the fact that we've made so much progress in some areas while going backwards in others. And an almost equally obvious answer is that the areas in which we've made progress have been those which are in fundamental accord with the deepest values of neoliberalism, and the one where we haven't isn't. We can put the point more directly by observing that increasing tolerance of economic inequality and increasing intolerance of racism, sexism and homophobia – of discrimination as such – are fundamental characteristics of neoliberalism. Hence the extraordinary advances in the battle against discrimination, and hence also its limits as a contribution to any left-wing politics. The increased inequalities of neoliberalism were not caused by racism and sexism and won't be cured by – they aren't even addressed by – anti-racism or anti-sexism.

My point is not that anti-racism and anti-sexism are not good things. It is rather that they currently have nothing to do with left-wing politics, and that, insofar as they function as a substitute for it, can be a bad thing.

Wednesday, August 19, 2009

The War of the TaxPayers Alliances: a tale of modern journalism

What do all these news stories have in common?All of them are taken from the BBC website in the past 3 months, and all of them feature comments from the pressure group the TaxPayers' Alliance: "very nebulous" "a desperate move and a seriously retrograde step" "ludicrous" "politically correct gimmicks" "deeply regrettable" "extremely shocking" "dressing up services in such a way that the government can make a political or politically correct point".

Whether a story concerns political corruption, political correctness, contentious public spending, or simply statistics vaguely related to public life, it seems no story is complete without a contribution from the TPA. But who are these people, and how have they gained this hold over Britain's news media?

Their name may bring to mind middle-aged colonels writing to the Daily Telegraph protesting about bin collections, or the Ratepayers' Parties of past days (Ken Barlow was nearly a candidate once) but the TPA combine right-wing libertarian policies with slick modern PR techniques, and are willing to openly discuss their media manipulations. They are less willing to reveal their sources of income - beyond mentioning a combination of corporate and individual funding - or to acknowledge that there is a rival organisation, The Other Taxpayers' Alliance, with a similar URL but rather different beliefs.

In just five years, TaxPayers' Alliance membership has grown to nearly 20 000, according to its own figures. It was founded in 2004 by former Conservatives who objected to the party's insistence on matching Labour's spending plans, and demanded tax cuts, particularly on inheritance tax and for business. They have also advocated a controversial flat-rate income tax. Although they claim to be non-partisan, all three founders have close links to the Conservative Party.

Matthew Elliott (the chief executive) worked as a researcher for Conservative MPs and MEPs; he received the Conservative Way Forward "One of us" prize from William Hague in 2007 and the ConservativeHome "One to Watch" award in 2006. He blogs for website ConservativeHome and is also a keen admirer of Ayn Rand and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts.

Andrew Allum (now chairman) was a Conservative councillor in Westminster from 1998-2002 and earlier had led the student Conservative group at Imperial College.

Florence Heath also led student conservatives at Imperial College and the European Young Conservatives.

The influence of Ayn Rand can be seen in the TPA's celebration of the brave entrepreneur. They concentrate on abolishing taxes on the wealthy rather than on the poor, focusing their attacks on business taxation and inheritance taxes rather than VAT (although they acknowledge that VAT is regressive and is unfair on the poor). They claim that inheritance tax means that fewer people can invest their inherited wealth in starting businesses. (TPA blog)

They justify this focus because "Business tax reduces the amount of investment in a country which creates huge harms not captured by the amount it raises in revenue." (Source: Conservative Home) Or as report co-author Julie Meyer puts it, entrepreneurship is "the 'goose' that lays the 'golden eggs' for society". None of the TaxPayers' Alliance's founders have experience running their own business.




Journalist Nick Davies described in Flat Earth News two phenomena which relate to the rise of the Alliance: the desire of the media for some notion of balance which means every story requires opposing viewpoints; and how journalists are often too busy to do actual investigative reporting, instead depending on press releases and stories presented to them by lobbyists, PR companies, campaigning groups, and other organisations.

Another of Elliott's favourite books is Death by a Thousand Cuts, by Michael J Graetz and Ian Shapiro, which describes the American campaign against inheritance tax. This book shows techniques that campaigners of all political positions can use to influence the media and get their message across, even if they are taking a highly unpopular position such as defending the interests of the super-rich. Although politics sometimes seems in the control of wealthy elites with a weak media unable to control them, if you follow Graetz and Shapiro's advice, it has never been easier to get your message to the public.

The organisation has revealed its methods in interviews with the BBC and the Independent. According to the BBC:
Mr Elliott freely admits that the Taxpayers' Alliance message - that the state has become bloated and wasteful and that Britons are paying too much tax - is essentially the same as any number of other right wing think tanks and pressure groups. The difference, he argues, is in the way it is packaged and sold to the media.
Much of their research depends on requesting public authorities to provide them with information via the Freedom of Information Act, but they do not seem to consider the cost of these requests as a waste of taxpayers' money.

It's a simple technique: email the BBC a succession of news stories complete with quotes that they can use. This saves the journalist from having to phone up actual politicians or public figures to ask for opinions, making the whole journalism process much easier. By offering pre-packaged stories to the press the TPA is able to get their viewpoint on the front pages. Elliott in the Independent:
What we've tried to do since 2004 is understand how the media works, so we've tried to give news stories to journalists on a plate.
Elliott to the BBC:
The impression I get is that what the media like now is to have spokesmen representing groups in society and we have filled a niche in terms of speaking on behalf of tax payers in a credible and professional way
There is something postmodern about an organisation that reveals it is manipulating you, yet continues to apply its methods, often successfully. Perhaps there is also some postmodern post-irony in the way the BBC continues to be manipulated even after publishing an article acknowledging how it is being manipulated.




However they may not be the only people fighting for justice on behalf of Britain's taxpayers. "Now you have a choice ... of TaxPayers' Alliance". There is another Taxpayers Association. The Other Taxpayers Alliance was formed in reaction to Elliott, Allum, and Heath's group. They even offer journalists an automatic TaxPayers' Alliance fake quote generator which is remarkably hard to distinguish from the real thing.

They say of their enemies in the original TPA
it isn't an alliance of ordinary taxpayers at all. It is an alliance of right-wing ideologues. Its academic advisory council is a who's who of the proponents of discredited Thatcherite policies: Eamonn Butler and Marsden Pirie of the Adam Smith Institute, academics Patrick Minford and Kenneth Minogue, Margaret Thatcher's former economic advisor Sir Alan Walters, and others such as ex-Institute of Directors policy head Ruth Lea.

Not everything the TPA says is wrong. Who could disagree with its commitment to "criticise all examples of wasteful and unnecessary spending", or to putting 2012 London Olympic spending under scrutiny? But the Alliance's concern for better public spending is a stepping stone to its desire for less public spending. And far from being a voice for "ordinary" taxpayers, its policies – opposing all tax rises (what, for everyone, in any circumstance?) and backing a flat rather than progressive tax – will increase inequality and shift wealth from poor to rich.
They also question its funding - the original TPA is reticent about where its money comes from, and they wonder how it is possible to pay for 10 staff and two offices on a declared 2006 income of £130,000; in contrast, centre-left thinktank Compass publishes detailed accounts of who gives it money and where the money goes.

Past sources of funding for the Original TPA included the Midlands Industrial Council, a grouping of industrialists who the Times described in 2006 as "one of the Conservatives' most important financial backers". The paper also described how the MIC was used to channel funds to the Conservative Party without revealing the identity of donors (in 2008 the Party was cleared of violating electoral law over this arrangement). The Other TPA feel the Original TPA's secrecy about its funding is inconsistent with its commitment to probity and openness.

Perhaps soon the BBC will have to quote both taxpayers alliances in every news story.




ADDITIONAL NOTE: The Guardian reported on 10 Oct 2009 that another of the TPA's directors, Alexander Heath, lives in France and has not paid British tax for several years.

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

The evils of Apple

Whether banning books, launching long-running lawsuits, or being investigated and sued for anti-competitive practices, Apple is seldom out of the headlines. Apple's co-founder Steve Jobs allegedly projects a reality distortion field able to convince almost anyone of anything, but lately it seems Apple's legendary PR machine is going rather wobbly. Here are some recent stories and some classics from the Apple files.

Banning rival iPhone applications: If you want to sell or even give away an iPhone application, you need to go through Apple's online store. When Apple banned Google's GoogleVoice internet telephony application, the result was an FCC inquiry, still ongoing. (Wall Street Journal) They also banned the Opera browser and the podcasting application Podcaster because they were too similar to Apple's browser Safari and Apple's iTunes media player. (Register)

Banning iPhone applications for no reason: As well as commercial considerations, they've been punishing app developers for the mildest of obscenity. They briefly stopped sales of Eucalyptus, which allows users to browse public-domain texts, because it lets you download and read the Kama Sutra. (Guardian) Equally bizarrely, they banned the Ninjawords dictionary for including swearwords. (Telegraph)

Anti-competitive deals with other companies: Apple and Google have until recently been close, with Google CEO Eric Schmidt sitting on Apple's board of directors. The two companies cemented their close relation with an agreement not to hire away staff from each other. This led to a US Justice Department probe. (Washington Post)

Failure to provide MMS in the USA: the only American network supporting the iPhone was unable to provide the MMS multimedia messaging service for months after the June 2009 launch of the iPhone 3GS. The 3rd generation iPhone was the first Apple phone to support the messaging standard, which has been widely available on other phones in Europe since around 2004. (Computer World)

Clamping down on cloners: they have spent a long time suing Psystar who produce Apple-compatible hardware far more cheaply than Apple do (in contrast, so many manufacturers produce systems compatible with IBM's PCs that IBM got out of the market years ago). Apple accuse Psystar of copyright breaches; Psystar have counter-sued claiming restraint of trade under anti-trust laws. (Register)

Keeping iTunes music tied to iPod/iPhone hardware: recent action against software allowing you to sync iTunes with a Palm Pre (Tech Crunch; The Apple Blog) is just the latest in a long line of limitations placed on what you can do with your music. (EFF; Ars Technica; Apple Insider)

Exploding phones: in common with other major producers like Sony and Dell, Apple products have occasionally caught fire, sometimes causing alleged significant damage. (Gizmodo; CNet)

No user-serviceable parts: unlike many manufacturers of consumer goods, Apple products almost never have user-replacable batteries. Rechargable batteries often lose some of their capacity and need to be replaced; with an Apple product you must take it to an Apple store and pay them for the privilege. (Register; CNet)

Suing blogs for publishing stories about upcoming products: They drove ThinkSecret out of business when it published rumours about a new Mac and wordprocessor (Wikipedia) sued over a post on the AppleInsider forum about a new Apple mouse (Wikipedia) and their lawyers had dealings with MacScoop. (Wikipedia) See also NY Times.

Censoring critics: Trying to stop publication of Jeffrey Young and William Simon's iCon: Steve Jobs - The Greatest Second Act in The History of Business published by John Wiley and Sons, they pulled all Wiley's books (including the Dummies series and other Mac-related titles) from the shelves of Apple stores. Four years later Apple are still not selling them. Apple also attempted to stop a profile of Jobs in the Sunday Times. (Register; Brand Republic)

Getting a journalist arrested: Apple's persecution of bloggers ratcheted up in April 2010, when the home of Jason Chen, an editor of Gizmodo, was raided by police. He had received an iPhone 4G prototype from a source who found it left behind in a bar, and Chen's home was raided by police with a warrant accusing him of handling stolen property. California's special computer crime division REACT, whose advisory board included Apple, were behind the raid and seized his computers (Times). A number of groups including EFF (Electronic Frontier Foundation) claimed the raid was in contravention of Californian laws protecting journalists. (BBC) Eventually the warrant was dropped and Chen's property returned (EFF).

Breaching copyright and antagonising Eminem: Apple used the Eminem song Lose Yourself in an advertisement without his permission; he sued and they settled out of court in 2005. He has also accused them of offering his songs to download on iTunes without permission, although at time of writing this is still to be decided in court. (The Guardian)

Driving contractors to suicide: In summer 2010 there was a press scandal about worker conditions in far-eastern plants run by FoxConn, one of Apple's suppliers; there had been 10 suicides in 5 months. However the plant also supplied Dell, Nokia, HP, and Nintendo, so working conditions were not unique to Apple. (Forbes)

Monday, August 10, 2009

Long-running newspaper advertisements

The Guardian has a feature on the world's longest-running newspaper ad, for Bowden Hall College's Practical English Programme. The ad features a slogan such as "Why Does Your English Let You Down?" in a style resembing a newspaper heading, next to a black-and-white photograph of one of various models, and text promoting an easy technique to improve your English. The most famous of the photographs was of accountant and part-time model Derek Derbyshire who posed in 1963 for the fee of three guineas. When Derbyshire died in 2000, the Telegraph carried a little note remembering him and an obituary.

This led to a discussion in the comments of another much-posted and famous ad from the Guardian (previously discussed by the non-newspaper-affiliated Guardian Work blogger who attempted to apply to every job in one issue of the Guardian). This ad reads:
Home helps required by Female Writer in Notting Hill Gate.

Housework, shopping and whatever comes up. Over-qualified people welcomed. A sense of humour helps and you'll need to be reliable, practical, keenly helpful and able to commit to a minimum of six months.

E-mail (no attachments please) with brief résumé and full contact details.
It has been running for about a decade. A slightly longer version from citykids.co.uk reads:
PART-TIME HOME HELPS NEEDED BY SLIGHTLY DISABLED FEMALE WRITER IN NOTTING HILL GATE. One, two, or three mornings a week or other morning hours neg: £9.00 per hour. Work includes housekeeping, shopping and whatever comes up. A sense of humour helps and you'll need to be RELIABLE and well-organised, genuinely enjoy helping people and have excellent references. Ongoing opportunity, positions available immediately. Ideally for a minimum of 6 months.
Email: XXXXX@tiscali.co.uk
Phone: - Send very brief email about yourself (NO ATTACHMENTS PLEASE!) with your PHONE NUMBER and the area of London you live in to XXXXX@tiscali.co.uk
It's like something by Elizabeth Taylor. When people talk about classic advertising they often think of Guinness ads, or maybe Cointreau, but the history of the little advertisements, those that don't have a huge design budget or vast creative team involved, is the true history of our culture.

Wednesday, August 5, 2009

And the winner is ...Art

With the Mercury Music Prize shortlist and Booker longlist both recently announced, it's a good time to look at British prizes for the arts.

The Mercury music prize (now known as the Barclaycard Mercury Prize) was established in 1992 by the now-defunct telecoms brand (part of Cable & Wireless) for the best British album of the previous 12 months, chosen from a shortlist of 10. It was intended as a more credible and serious prize than the widely-mocked Brit Awards, which were generally reckoned to pay more attention to sales than to quality. The Mercury prize was about promoting telephony and now credit cards, but also celebrating the best new music.

It has been frequently surrounded by controversy. The prize has been accused of being deliberately opaque in its rules and administration, with a generous definition of British that included Antony and the Johnsons, and the judges being kept secret for many years (they typically include music industry figures and journalists such as Conor McNicholas, now editor of Top Gear magazine, formerly of NME). While many literary prizes publish the rules and provide applications forms online, the precise criteria for the Mercury are not displayed publicly.

There have also been claims of sexism and racism over its fondness for white male guitar bands, and tokenism when non-white acts won - despite this, winners have included Dizzee Rascal, Ms Dynamite, Talvin Singh, and Roni Size. The shortlist has often seemed to comprise a token jazz record, a token folk act, a token pop act, a token black act, a token dance act, formerly a token classical act (they seem to have given up on classical music), and the remaining list all indie/rock. The judging panel seldom includes significant expertise in jazz, classical, or traditional folk, yet decides between a wide range of genres.

The Brit Awards are given by British trade body the British Phonograpic Industry. They begun in 1977, when the Beatles won 3 awards, and have a chequered history of disastrous live shows and controversial events: Jarvis Cocker invading the stage during Michael Jackson's performance, the KLF performing with Extreme Noise Terror and bringing a dead sheep, bizarre nominations for best male and female solo act who hadn't released any records in the year in question, and the usual autocue failures, drunken bust-ups, shouts, and boos (see Wikipedia). Most awards are voted by British Phonographic Industry members, though the public choose a few, such as best single. In recent years they have sought to compete with the Mercury prize with the Critics' choice award for best upcoming artist, given to Adele in 2008 and Florence and the Machine in 2009. There is a separate ceremony for classical music.

The Brits and Mercury prize are rivalled by such events as the Q Music Awards and the NME Awards, promoted by magazines and focussing on the music that appeals to their readership. The MOBO awards are given for Music of Black Origin, with prizes for best hiphop, soul/R&B, jazz, reggae, gospel, African act, and DJs. Despite its name, white people such as Amy Winehouse and Tim Westwood often win. The MOBOs typically vie with the Brit Awards for starry guest performers, spectacle, and incomprehension over how the winners were chosen.




The Booker Prize, for the best novel of the year, is the most well-known and generally highly-regarded of the serious British arts prizes. It was first awarded in 1969 as the Booker-McConnell Prize, and was known for many years after the wholesaler Booker, who sponsored it until 2001 - despite the lack of commercial value in associating a grocery company with a literary prize. Since 2002, it has been sponsored by Man Group, a London-based investment company which began as a rum and sugar broker in the late 18th century, making it one of the few literary prizes whose income is founded on slavery.

The franchise has now been extended with an international prize given every 2 years, a Russian version, and occasional ventures like the Booker of Bookers which has been awarded for notable anniversaries in the prize's history, generally to Salman Rushdie. The Booker winner is chosen by a jury combining eminent figures in arts and broadcasting (for 2009 these include John Mullan, professor of English at University College London, Radio 4 broadcaster James Naughtie, and critic Lucasta Miller), plus a token celebrity (Sue Perkins in 2009); they are required to read around 100 books, select a longlist and a shortlist, and then pick a winner.

The prize has an impressive website, which includes the rules and entry form. Entrants must be from the UK, the Commonwealth, Ireland, or Zimbabwe. In 2009, 132 books were considered, of which 11 were "called in" by the judges, i.e. they were not entered for the prize but the judges felt they were of merit. Publishers may submit 2 books each, but anyone shortlisted in the last 5 years may submit a book over and above that limit, and judges can consider books that have not been formally entered (this allegedly leads to publishers not submitting their top novel in the hope that the judges will call it in anyway, and submitting 2 other less good novels so they can get more books in contention). There is no limit on how many times you can win it.

The winner gets £50 000, while authors with shortlisted novels get £2500 and a hand-bound copy of their own novel. However, this does not come for free: publishers submitting a book must undertake to pay £5000 if the book is shortlisted and another £5000 if they win. This payment does not guarantee a place in the shortlist, and is intended to pay for publicity; they must also ensure 1000 copies of the book are available for sale after the longlist is published - online books are eligible but paper copies must be sold if the work is shortlisted. Publishers must also supply the pages to be bound into the hand-bound prize for the shortlisted authors. Shortlisted works must be made available as e-books and given to a charity to be recorded for the blind (a process which the Booker Prize Foundation funds). And nominees get to go to a prize dinner, which is generally televised.

The other main literary prize in the UK was known for many years as the Whitbread Prize. Like the Booker it takes its name from an implausible source, the brewer Whitbread; since 2006 it has been known as the Costa Book awards, after another Whitbread brand. It is made up of a collection of five prizes for best novel, first novel, children's book, poetry, and biography (including autobiography and memoir), and a book of the year selected from the five winners. Each category is judged by 3 people and winner gets £5000, while a 9-person jury (including a fairly distinguished chairperson, one judge from each category, and three "people in the public eye who love reading") chooses who receives the grand prize and an additional £25 000.

Application forms which include the rules can be downloaded. The author must have been resident in the UK and undertake to be available for publicity; the publisher must promise to bring out a paperback promptly if they win. Publishers of shortlisted and winning novels must "use their best endeavours" to put Costa stickers on their books, and put "approved Costa Book Awards crediting" on the cover of later editions. As well as providing considerable advertising for Costa thereby, winners of the category awards must provide £3000 for publicity, and the grand winner £4000.

The oldest UK literary prize is claimed to be the James Tait Black Memorial Prize, administered by University of Edinburgh, and established by the wife of the eponymous publisher. Prizes are given for fiction and biography, and in the initial year 1919 Hugh Walpole's The Secret City and Henry Festing Jones's Samuel Butler, Author of Erewhon (1835-1902) - A Memoir won. A Passage to India, Memoirs of a Fox-Hunting Man, I, Claudius, The Heart of the Matter, and Arthur Waley's translation of Monkey are among the more notable prizewinners.

The winners, who get £10000 each, are chosen by the university's professor of English, with graduate students assisting in the judging. Notably, the same author cannot win in more than one year, although they can win both prizes in one year - nobody has yet. It is unusual among British literary prizes in admitting American entries: The Corrections and Cormac McCarthy's The Road have won in recent years. Submission simply involves sending a copy of the book without any application form or commitment to pay anybody any money; the leisurely process begins with submissions in December and the prize is awarded the following August.

Less notable is the Betty Trask Award, given to "traditional or romantic" first novels. It is administered by the writers' trade union the Society of Authors, awarding a total of £25000 each year (in various proportions) to British and Commonwealth authors under 35 to use to travel abroad. Winners include Zadie Smith's White Teeth and Alex Garland's The Beach. Unusually it is open to published or unpublished novels, though publishers are required to assist with publicity. Winners are decided by a panel of five judges, who may select books that were not submitted, and can withhold prizes if no book is good enough.




In the visual arts, the Turner Prize is by far the most celebrated award in Britain. It was set up in 1984 by a group called the Patrons of New Art to promote contemporary art, is administered by the Tate gallery, and named after the British painter JMW Turner. Curiously, like the Man Group, Henry Tate's money originally came from sugar. It has been sponsored by (then-)anonymous donor Oliver Prenn, American investment bank Drexel Burnham Lambert (whose 1990 bankrupcy, due to illegal junk bond deals, led to the awards being cancelled that year), Channel 4, and Gordons Gin; the prize is currently £40 000, up from £10 000 initially.

Originally it went to the best British painter based on work of the previous year, but since then has been skewed to a more youthful market, with entrants required to be under 50. The public can nominate entries, although some people have claimed that little attention is paid to these. The shortlist and winner are chosen by a team of judges, who include curators and critics, with one token non-art-world person per year. Shortlisted artists exhibit in a special show, normally in one of the Tate's galleries, but the award isn't judged on this, just on the work for which they were already shortlisted. Restrictions on how many times an artist can be shortlisted have been tried, but are no longer enforced.

Parodying the Turner Prize, The K Foundation (otherwise known as pop act the KLF) offered the K Foundation Art Award (Wikipedia; Stewart Home) in 1993 for the artist who had produced the worst body of work in the previous 12 months. It went to Rachel Whiteread, who also won the Turner Prize that year. The K Foundation award was twice as valuable, £40 000 against the £20 000 of the more official prize. She reluctantly accepted the larger prize when the K Foundation threatened to burn the money - probably not an idle threat as they later burned a million pounds just for fun.

The BP portrait award claims to be the world's most prestigious portraiture award, offering a £25 000 first prize and second and third prizes, as well as an exhibition of selected works. It is open to artists aged 18 and over, and judged by a panel including curators, critics, artists, and a representative of the sponsoring oil company. An application form is available from their website during application season.




Not mentioned here are perhaps the best known arts prizes in the UK, The British Soap Awards, and the BAFTAs for film and TV. The latter are voted for by members of the British Academy of Film and Television Arts and carry a similar weight to the Oscars in the USA.

There are many ways of running an arts prize, from the simple to the opaque. Some are run as publicity tools with requirements for winners to take part in promotion, wear stickers, pay money, and follow arcane procedures; while others simply involve sending your work in an envelope and trusting the judging panel will pick the best. Few have any public involvement in the selection process.

As to the question of why we should take any award seriously, the awards organisers typically feel that should depend on the cash sums awarded and the glitziness of the awards ceremony. However most people will esteem an award based on the expertise of the judging panel, the openness of the selection procedure, and the list of previous winners.